segunda-feira, 14 de agosto de 2017

Union of the European Peoples or nationalism on the loose

We have never been as close as now to the unification of the human species, and it has never been as needed as now; all it takes is to keep globalization and bury capitalism. It is urgent to go on building a Weltanschauung, a cosmic vision that frames the appropriate strategies and tactics.

Contents [1]

1 – Globalization has made the nation-states obsolete

2 – The currently dominating triad

3 – A few ideological instruments for domination

4 – State apparatuses resume themselves to the exercise of fiscal punch and violence

5 – Good reasons to building alternatives

6 – From romantic nationalism to fascism

7 – Nationalism’s and fascism’s social basis

8 – The origins of “leftist” nationalism

9 – From nationalism to fascism takes just a midget’s step

10 – Times are difficult. The exit is narrow and unique

1 – Globalization has made the nation-states obsolete

Globalization and the new technologies gradually unify peoples, ease cultural exchanges, create new entities and remove relevance from the vast majority of nation-states, built since the XVII century onwards through wars that have consolidated on their respective territories national bourgeoisies jealous of
their populations’ control and intractable to those disputing them their workforce preserve. In the same way that feudal nobles sought to maintain rights over their servants or the slave owners pursued the unperturbed ownership of those.

Within the framework of the production systems’ historical evolution it mattered to capitalism to increase productivity by reducing the costs of the workforce’s submission. In order for that control to be accepted or made easier – and with less recourse to coercion – they used the school and the military service to engrain that historically recent notion, patriotism, and the exclusion and distrust towards Others; despite Others, like ourselves, being flesh and bone, and similarly yearning for the fulfilment of the same needs – peace, bread, freedom, housing, health, education and, furthermore, the drive to love and be loved.

Nowadays the production of goods and services, through information and communication technologies, has become global, segmented, and distributed by several locations, collaborative and made up of micro-decisions, rendering obsolete the capitalist’s function as well as that capitalistic construction called the nation-state.

After the transformations taking place in the last fifty years, the number of nation-states with a significant sovereignty can be counted by the fingers. Even in those few cases, globalization left them very vulnerable to changes occurring both inside and outside of their national spaces, changes that, in turn, promote inequalities and hierarchies internally or abroad, with the immense problems ensuing from that multifaceted interaction.

It is urgent to build a solidary Humanity, as the matrix for material and cultural exchanges, to consolidate the union of peoples, the historical globalization process, and the exploitation of knowledge for the collective well-being. And in order to achieve those results it is essential to throw overboard capitalism and its economic, political, and ideological agents.

2 – The currently dominating triad

The power of multinationals, of their business networks[2] built with great dynamism, destroyed borders and has been diluting the nation-states into organizations tailor-made for the former, despite them formally belonging to many nations – IMF, WTO, OECD, ASEAN, TTP, and, perhaps, TTIP or CETA… Amongst them, in what concerns Europeans, the EU deserves particular relevancy, with its bureaucracy, clearly dominated by lobbies[3], which together generate creative and antidemocratic formulas for public management, rearing up monstrous apparatuses for media manipulation and peoples’ coercion.

On the other hand, the equally globalized financial system has been conditioning, through credit and debt, the small and medium states or those having the lower indicators of wealth or bigger political frailty; they use, to that end, the respective political classes that, in order to keep their share of the loot, transfer the costs of that pressure to the population, mostly to workers, unemployed, pensioners and poor in general, rendering unfeasible those small business that, in order to go along with the logic of competitiveness, get stuck between the rock of credit pressure and the hard place of fiscal punch, both in continuous growth.

Image translation notes:

JOHN EDGAR HOOVER (FBI Director, 1895-1972): “Banks are an irresistible attraction to those elements of society wanting to win money without working”
THOMAS JEFFERSON (Third American President, 1743-1826): “Banks are more dangerous than well-armed armies”
JOSIAH STAMP (Economist and Director of the English Central Bank, 1880-1941): “If you want to continue to be slaves of the banks and pay the costs of that slavery, then let the bankers continue to control the money and the credit”
JOHN GALBRAITH (Canadian economist and diplomat, 1908-2006): “The way banks earn money is so simple that it is disgusting”

In parallel, there is an economy of crime that, based on several traffics, swindles, fiscal evasion, and corruption, enables high yield rates, which makes it very attractive. It is the financial system that transmutes those “dirty” capitals, through the well-known offshores, into “investment” in the so-called real economy, mostly into real estate, hotels, and stock market speculation, which can both increase or decrease the market value of titles from public debt and large companies, funds and financial entities, according to the fickle opinions of the rating entities.

3 – A few ideological instruments for domination

Multinationals and financial capital set up, in consonance, a consumerism ideology which potentiates the distance between purchases and individual’s real needs, favoring indebtedness that wraps people in a demented desire to compromise their future in order to keep up with the wave of the consumption du jour; and that is even more insane when, structurally, precariousness and life uncertainty become accentuated. The same voluptuousness is generated by the ideology of entrepreneurship and competiveness that maintains the small and intermediate enterprises highly dependent of the asphyxiating bank financing, the costs of which are transferred, as much as possible, to their workers, rendered precarious, underpaid, and repressed. In this way, the neoliberal logic is replicated.

The fixation in capital accumulation is part and parcel of capitalism’s genetic code and, more to the point, leads to the accumulation of wealth in a scarce minority of human beings; its irrationality can be observed from several angles. It engenders a rapid and careless deterioration of the planet’s living conditions; the work precariousness and low income policies reduce the consuming ability of the vast majority and translate into a small growth of the sacrosanct GDP (imagine that!); it promotes global, unpayable, indebtedness the volume of which is the treble of the global GDP; it focus on the profits obtained in the financial sphere which are called “investment”; and it includes creative statistical ingenuity such as considering military spending as investment or including prostitution’s revenues so that the GDP may grow in the Eurostat data and also the recent Irish anomaly[4] as mentioned by their government itself.

Within the ideological realm, a discourse has been consolidated that can be translated as the perpetuation of the crisis situation in order to justify an endless austerity and the constant assertion of its forthcoming overcoming – a torture that brings Tantalum to mind. An essential role is, in that context, played by the single thought expressed by big media, mainly TV chains, through commentators who are but canvassers close to the political class, hired by the media controlling groups.

Image translation notes:

“The mob maintains the brand / the brand maintains the media / and the media controls the mob…“

4 – State apparatuses resume themselves to the exercise of fiscal punch and violence

If, from an economic point of view, capitalism in its neoliberal form results in competition, speculation, capitalization, financialization, precariousness, environmental predation, in what concerns politics the control of governments and the domestication and coaxing of the national political classes by the big capital still stands, constant and central, as in the old Keynesian model. Do recall that under state capitalism, management of capital is meant to be unified with the political functions, both managed by the same and hermetic sect, the party.

Image translation notes:

“How is it that you want State to solve your problems when State is itself the problem!”

Nation-states remain as executors of the fiscal punch; they’re protagonists of bureaucracies worthy of Kafka, in order to control the population and determine the hierarchy of benefits to be distributed by the capital’s several strata – with the argument of favoring investment that, nonetheless, systematically stays at low levels. They also maintain the degree of violence adequate to the system’s continuity, ransacking work income holders’ data, discriminating between the several stances in the justice apparatus’ functioning, severe and arrogant to the poor, slow and complacent to the rich. They ensure the constant reinforcement of the integration between the military and police apparatuses, in the name of the fight against terrorism, al-Qaeda, ISIS, migrant’s traffickers, depending on the moment and latitude, and where the heartless repression of any social contestation won’t be found lacking, as is being seen in the “socialist” led France.

It only remains to be said that the national scope is the main headquarters of the electoral folklore exercises aiming to legitimate a parody of democracy that, in fact, excludes the majority of the population, confined in inter-electoral spaces to watching the TV debates’ circus and verifying that to each measure taken by the government corresponds an unkempt electoral promise; always in the name of the crisis. As for democracy within the context of the EU institutions, the most flattering that can be said is that it does not exist, despite an ignored and innocuous European Parliament, where hundreds of actors drag along, paid by their weight in gold.

5 – Good reasons to building alternatives

Through competition and by rendering precarious the lives of those making up 99% of Humankind, the ghastly difficulties in satisfying the essential of everyone’s lives are kept, despite the planet’s capability, with the current technologies, to sustain a decent life for 12000M people. On the other hand, capitalism has advanced much more in the predation and destruction of the planet than in producing or applying technologies; this is what happens when there are people willing to work for such low wages that the use of capital and knowledge can be avoided.

Image translation notes:

“Are you poor, a worker, and you support the liberal economy? Congratulations !!! You are the perfect slave!”

To the threats that, at the environmental level, impend on Humanity, derived from the demented dilapidation of the planet’s resources, should be added those resulting from placing a great part of human beings in a kind of quarantine, without work, with meager means of subsistence, victimized by military conflicts, state banditry and coercion. Add to all those people the elderly, considered unnecessary by capitalism, elements judged to be costs without the adequate profits, and whose nullification is important to consider; even if their incomes are used to support sons, daughters and grandchildren, thus relieving the “social state” of its responsibilities.

Humanity, as whole, represents to capitalism an enormous quantity of surpluses, since the accumulation of money-capital through financialization and speculation does well without large masses of hires that, in addition… are attaining increased longevities[5]. On the other hand, if Humanity has at its disposal technologies and huge knowledge which allow the satisfaction of its needs, the existence of capitalists and political classes has been maintaining a selfish and distorted use of that knowhow, to their own benefit and withholding those benefits from thousands of millions of people.

In this framework the alternatives are dichotomous.

· The multitude of human beings builds a unified and solidarity framework of ideas, fight and liberation practices that cause unsurpassable difficulties to capitalism, its political classes, and its states and repressive apparatuses;

· Or we will witness the dragging on of the current capitalism’s drift, to conflicts between nation-states’ blocks, to the rebound of fascism, to genocide practices, which diversified impacts that can come to extinguish human life on Earth.

6 – From romantic nationalism to fascism

Contrary to what happened in other capitalism’s crisis times, contestation is week and fragmented and a set of ideas for overcoming today’s neoliberal capitalism, for transitioning to another collective, democratic, organizational model, focused on the human needs and its huge diversity, is not visible or taken as credible by the overwhelming majority.

In the absence of clear and, even less, happy, prospects regarding the future, many people – be it because of panic or romanticism – see as viable some solutions of a return to the past, be them the reinstatement of “sovereign” nation-states under a capitalistic regime of Keynesian or “socialist” penchant, or by creating small communities inspired in Icaria. We also have to consider those who want to climb to power and “renew” capitalism, rewind organic democracies (a.k.a. oligarchies), by replicating formulas based on a strong identity, exclusive, more or less fascist, inspired on the frightening drifts of last century’s 30’s.

7 – Nationalism’s and fascism’s social basis

From the mentioned cultures’ broth it is important to us, in particular, to delve deeper into the social content of those nationalist or fascist drifts because of the danger they represent and the ways they present themselves:

· From a social perspective they find support in small and medium entrepreneurs – besides the workers “promoted” to individual entrepreneurs – especially if dependent upon the internal market, which retraction is obvious, squeezed between the big transnational capital’s penetration and the financial asphyxiation coming from the banks. They imagine they’ll achieve security and their viability in a coming back to the closed world of the old national state, in the return to the indigenous bank, the personal relationship with the local bank manager, the protection and support of the state, of the local party’s cacique, in the maintenance a cheap and meek workforce;

Image translation notes:

“No one resembles a fascist more closely that a frightened bourgeois” BERTOLT BRECHT

· The previously described social segment finds sympathy and some support in the dispossessed population sectors – underrepresented by bureaucratized syndicates, weakened by neoliberalism, and turned to veritable state directorate-generals – victimized by unemployment, intermittent and underpaid work, feeling insecurity in what concerns health care, education, and retirement, frequently accused of being unsustainable by patronage representatives or political class members. In many cases they highlight as the cause to their uneasiness the immigrants, those major victims of capitalism, bearing the sacrifice of abandoning their original lands, submitted to a double exploitation because of that condition, especially if they are “illegal” or refugees; and it gets worse if their skins are less pale or profess a “dangerous” religion.

· The university itself, besides the serial production of neoliberalism’s typical staff, also generates spokespeople for the same romantic defense of a renationalized capitalism, waiting to be recognized and called to the management of a population friendly (?) state apparatus; they normally hover around the center or the fringes of the traditional leftist parties, some of which have recently received the ridiculous tag of “radical left”;

· There is a preponderance, within this group of people of a common sensitivity towards enchanted, mythical versions of the homeland History as told to children – normally the only version they know – with valiant princes, battles that were won, conquests with the divine help, and with the people they belong to exhibiting lofty collective characteristics, constructed in order to create the difference required by the justification of the nationalist myths.

Thus new, or not so new, rightist political formations that have been infesting Europe are known, such as the French Front Nationale, the Hungarian Fidesz, the Polish PiS, the German AfD, Wilders’ Liberty Party (Netherland), the Austrian FPO, the English UKIP, the Swedish Democrats, the Finishes’ Party, the Latvia National Alliance, the People of Liberty or the Lega Nord, or, still, the Movimento Cinque Stelle in Italy, the Greek Golden Dawn… with this enumeration not exhausting the list.

It is a well-known reality that the classical right likes dictatorial or muscled regimes, law and order, the “natural” hierarchy between dominating and dominated, rejecting the Other, from the outside of the border or not prevenient from the elected people they think they belong to. It may seem strange that nationalism has supporters amongst the so called left. But it isn’t.

8 – The origins of “leftist” nationalism

Marx and Engels were very fond of nation-states, despising those peoples who had no state and, being German, they viewed the tsarist Russia and the Slavic peoples with particular repudiation. Engels supported USA’s war to conquer California from the “Mexican sluggards” as a civilizational advancement… Within that “civilizational” perspective they also supported Texas’ independence at the hands of slavers, against Mexico which had already abolished slavery in 1829, anticipating the USA by 34 years. These positions, privileging intervention as part of geopolitics, with the involvement in the quarrels between potencies, clashed in the midst of the First International (AIT) with Bakunin’s thesis that privileged the workers and people’s autonomous fight, to the detriment of the disputes between the national oligarchies.

Marx was a profound analyst of capitalism as an economical system but was less brilliant from a political point of view. So it was only about a month after the Paris commune installation that he stopped defending a French-German alliance against… Russia, and started to support the Parisian popular insurrection. This duality has been maintained in the genetic code of the parties claiming themselves as leftist and those misinformed people who take them as such.

After the October Revolution the option for “socialism in a single country” sealed that nationalist tradition in several ways. One of them was the pressure – with disastrous consequences – to the onset of revolutions in Germany and Hungary and, later, with the submission of the communist parties (national, as is known) to the USSR’s strategic interests, to its despotic power, to the erection of a state capitalism where, meanwhile, the soviets had been liquidated and the revolutionary committed to the social revolution, in Kronstadt or the Ukraine, had been crushed.

In Portugal, this fixation on the prevalence of the nation is present till today in the “leftist” scholastic, through the “left’s patriotic policy”, heir to the “democratic and national revolution” inscribed in Cunhal’s “Towards Victory” (1965); a policy which was so nationalist that the PCP advised their militants to participate in the colonial war against the liberation movements! That same “left”, today, talks about the country’s problems as if the difficulties resulting from capitalism where equally felt by all the country’s inhabitants[6]; as if there weren’t two countries in real life. Once more it is the preference in participating in the institutional game to the detriment of the autonomous organization of those excluded by it.

Source: The income inequality during the crisis (La desigualdad de la renta durante la crisis)  - J. Ignacio Conde Ruiz / Ignacio Marra

Employing a similar vocabulary, some small political groups appear, dominated by the nationalist delirium, refusing to observe the capitalism’s evolution during the last 50 years and admitting the existence of a national bourgeoisie able to shore up the national banks, provided it is served by a patriotic policy, entrenched behind the borders that … transnationals and capital continue to cross effortlessly, without looking at the flag’s color.

9 – From nationalism to fascism takes just a midget’s step
In today’s times of global domination by the financial capital and multinationals, nationalism is, above all, a way to divide people against each other, of instilling in them a logic misadjusted to the times; they, those 1%, seek to keep globalization as capitalist, seen as a useful instrument to the functioning of the sacrosanct market, through psychopathies such as competition, competitiveness, or entrepreneurship. Those psychopathies tend to foster individual responsibility, hierarchy, the belittling of mutual help, collaboration, and solidarity logics, despite these being as old as the human species; thus, the national individualization, the focusing in patriotic identification, the segmentation between us and the others is taken advantage of by capitalism’s managers, and the political classes, in order to exacerbate rivalries and false differentiations. To their own benefit, as can easily be seen.

Image translation notes:

“Patriotism is what causes a country’s poor to kill another country’s poor, to defend the rich’s interests”

Nationalism is always a source of social exclusion, discriminating or victimizing immigrants, refugees, the so called “without-papers”, presenting all of those as threats to the poorer, the underpaid and less qualified stratums of the native population; as was observed in the Brexit vote. A good nationalist always prefers a national capitalist to a worker coming from other latitudes; and, being state-dependent (there is no nationalist anarchy) he or she easily slides into supporting “their own” capitalists against the local workers whose claims may threat the “national economy”[7]. There is a ladder that, once one starts descending it, ends in violence and disaster; nationalism stands on the first step, immediately next come patriotism and xenophobia, debouching into the putrid viscosity of fascism. When facing a nationalist do pay the utmost attention: when the time is convenient he or she becomes a fascist.

Contrarily to what many may think, progressive nationalism does not exist; or, rather, it only happens in a very transitional way and is followed by a rapid degeneracy. The Portuguese colonies’ liberation movements benefited from immense support and sympathy throughout the world and became malefactor gangs, once they got into power, as in the well-known case of the Angolan governmental mafia. The Vietnamese fought with great courage the American invader, its peons and allies; however, their leaders became cheap labor managers for the multinationals. The domination of state apparatuses has always been the source of stewardships and theft legalization to the benefit of limited groups of supposed illuminati, being, simultaneously, an excellent lever to the exclusion and poverty of the great majority; and reaching this dominion, even after an impassioned fight against an occupant, does not hinder capitalism’s structures when the state apparatus is not destroyed.

Nationalists, xenophobic, fascists, are all on the same side. They need guarded borders and hypocritically benefit from smuggling or immigrants’ humiliation; they are moved by the waving flag, with warrior hymns evoking past fantasies, by military in carnival-like parades; they dream of banks with national preserves and want national currencies for the mob… provided they have the opportunity to access strong currency, once they get to be in power.

10 – Times are difficult. The exit is narrow and unique

We are living hard times. Fighting the neoliberal capitalism cannot mean supporting the Keynesian model, inapplicable and inconvenient since it maintains the state’s role as the ultimate capitalist manager; as the agent that actions the policeman’s baton, the fines and tickets that ornament the fiscal punch, the benefits for big capitalists and external investors. As such, the peoples’ fight against capitalist globalization, excluding and genocidal, cannot incorporate in its bosom the nationalist or fascist drifts. A false enemy of our major enemy is certainly not our friend.

That repudiation is totally extensive to the corrupt oligarchies that swarm between Brussels, Frankfurt and Strasbourg, or to the national political classes which are in an essentially harmonious connection with those, in their common role as staff of the global financial power and multinationals’, as is well exemplified by Juncker, Barroso, or Draghi. All that plutocracy, in power all over Europe, easily reveals their character, with greater visibility, before a large part of the population, because they are the perpetrators of the evils that afflict the peoples.

Now, the diversity of nationalists and Keynesians also criticizes those oligarchies, even if in a limited or incoherent way. For example:

· They criticize austerity but assign a secondary role to the debt that feeds it, in terms that are acceptable to the neoliberal governments;

· They defend GDP growth but are almost silent about income redistribution;

· They defend the reinforcement of state and nationalizations but do not question capitalism;

· They are content with job creation, even when paying lower than extinct ones, without challenging capitalists’ power;

· They seek full employment, accepting payed workers as rule, labor subordination as an obligation and life objective and, consequently, capitalism as a given;

· They defend public social security but do not denounce its systemic decapitalization to the benefit of the patronage;

· They accept the incumbent representation method, focused on parties, and never mention that democracy is the capability of each person to elect and be elected without intermediations.

Many more questions could be raised in order to draw the collaborationist picture in face of capitalism, in its neoliberal guise, by nationalists and/or Keynesians.

European peoples, because of the suffering inflicted on them by a History of wars, the huge cultural melt pot they encompass, the infrastructures they have built, and the high degree of knowledge they possess, have every reason to generate ways of pacific and solidarity coexistence without state or financial extortion, without nation-states nor mobster political hierarchies sullying that coexistence. We mention here an article by one of today’s most renowned sociologists – Manuel Castells[8] – who clearly expresses what matters for us to achieve.

Therein a defense of a Europe of peoples is made, within these general terms:

· Societies’ central objective is the satisfaction of collective needs and not the vague, falsified and environmentally harmful metric of GDP growth, adopted by neoliberals and Keynesians in universities as a commandment.

· The objective of goods and services’ production units is the satisfaction of those human needs, within the context of a sustainable planet, those objectives being inserted into local, regional, national, and global preferences according to the nature and complexity of the same products and services, thus reducing the huge environmental overload and the energy costs of logistics and transportation systems.

· The management model of those units cannot be based upon the power derived from capitalist property but on collective property in the form of self-management by the workers in concert with the community they belong to.

· A financial system vowed to capturing savings and its participation in investment and enterprises of social, infrastructural, economic, and cultural disposition, banning the speculative and predatory activities that today dominate the finance world.

· The complete harnessing of the existing technical abilities to improve productivity and reduce working hours, accompanied by the extinction of bureaucratic, stupefying, military, or security functions and their replacement by time for leisure, affection management, dedication to sport, arts, and culture in general.

· The decisions within the scope of the collective needs’ satisfaction is taken, primarily, at the local, regional… level, by its inhabitants (building an elementary school is a local decision, but an hospital involves a region’s population, and an airport an even wider area), This is a complete inversion of the subsidiarity principle defined in the EU Treaty[9].

· Decisions should be democratically made by their beneficiaries, based on collective discussion; when the need for representation arises, this representative will be elected with a precise mandate – in content and/or duration – and will answer to those who chose her/him that, at any time, can withdraw the mandate.

· Elimination of borders, with freedom of circulation to all human beings, absence of political classes, demilitarization and relinquishing participation in military instances.

This and other papers at:

[2] Totaling 65000, with 850000 branches, their internal exchanges represent 1/3 of the world commerce and the largest 500 have financial revenues equating to 48% of the world’s gross product.

[3] … 1700 lobbies starred by 30000 representatives who camp in Brussels in order to define what can conveniently be approved, offering in exchange bribes of €120 million (source).

[4] The Irish situation offers, in recent years, some paradigmatic examples. In 2010 the country accepted troika’s austerity plan in order to make up for a public deficit amounting to 32% of the GDP, and resulting from the nationalization of insolvent banks. In 2015, Ireland’s GDP grew 26.3% without the population getting any richer because of it. The reason lies in the income tax for enterprises which is 12.5%; so, many multinationals moved their headquarters to Ireland and declared their profits there. This is a situation which also justifies the huge income capitalization in Luxembourg or the “exports” of the Madeira offshore.

[5] It has become a fashion for neoliberals to adopt a sustainability factor for the social security systems, using the false argument that workers, enjoying a bigger longevity, would not have, through their deductions, accumulated enough to have a decent pension until their deaths. In that context, the minimum age is increased as well as other requisites for retirement. In Portugal, the sustainability factor was created by the current minister Vieira da Silva, then being assisted by the acolyte Pedro Marques, who was recently promoted to minister.

[7] Whoever has lived through, or studied, Portugal’s PREC (1974/75) knows how those syndicates tied to the PCP have fought off – including with aggressions – strikes and claims seen as “playing the reaction’s game”.


[9] “Article 4, number 1, mentions that “the competencies which are not ascribed to the Union by the Treaties belong to Member States” and Article 5, number 3, defers to the community’s level, in those areas that are not of its exclusive jurisdiction, those cases where the actions objectives “cannot be sufficiently reached by the Member States be them at a central as at the regional and local levels…”. In that context the national parliaments are the caretakers, at the internal level, of the subsidiarity principle “in agreement with the process fixed in the mentioned Protocol”, after the EU having defined its decisional scopes.

This principle presents a distorted formulation, inserted into a vertical acceptance, top to bottom, as a territory demarcation between the communitarian mandarins, which are increasingly in charge of issues – European Commission, European Parliament, President of the European Council, the Union’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, ECB, European Investment Bank, Eurogroup, Region’s Committee, Economic and Social Committee, European Court of Auditors, EU Justice Court, amongst lesser ones – the hierarchical structuring of national, regional, and local powers being left to the national political classes, always within a lordly logic of bestowal, of benevolent mercy, from the top to the bottom. An antidemocratic political system, in short, set up by the right wing groups, in the natural way inherent to their authoritarian concepts, and that the institutional left wing groups accept, carelessly, because their political conceptions are equally based in authority and privilege.
The subsidiarity principle, as understood by the European Union Treaty, is the exact opposite of any understanding and democratic practices.” (source)

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