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sábado, 28 de dezembro de 2019

Nation-state, nationalism, instruments of capitalism (2/3)


Summary

1. How capitalism created the nation-state
2 - Nationalism as an instrument of ideological control
3 - To each nation a nation-state?
4. Capitalism magnifies the nation-state in its process of consolidation.
5 - The capitalist globalization reconfigures the role of the nation-state
5 .1 - Some segments taken from the domain of nation-states
6 - The State, local manager of the stratification of the Human beings

///+\\\

3 - To each nation a nation-state?

If a nation-state arose only and "naturally" on the basis of a nation - characterized by ethnicity, culture, common past, religion, language or all - it would be necessary to explain why there are only about 200 nation-states and no more than 7000 corresponding to each specific culture/language binomial anchored in more or less specific territories. If so, one might wonder, where is the Monegasque nation, the identity of Liechtenstein, or that of each of the former English Caribbean colonies transformed into nation-states to serve as offshores to mafia for accommodation and money laundering? 

If this assumption were true, how many would be liberation wars, conflicts, massacres, deportations and refugee columns fleeing the repression powers (bit) welcoming of independence postures? How many would be arrested for separatism or fighters for the independence of their homeland? 

Refugees trying to cross the Mediterranean are fleeing economic disruption, banditry and, poverty and not as victims of the struggle of their cultures and ethnic groups to create a nation-state. And Rohingyas who flee to Bangla Desh do not do so by independentist drives.

Many of that cultures, have few members, specific mass or even will to build a nation-state for them; and they would certainly have the opposition of the host nation-state apparatus little given, by nature, to territorial losses. On the other hand, these subaltern cultures within a typical nation-state, with armies, police, a state-run nationalist propaganda apparatus, and a totalizing educational system, are repressed to fade away; or, accept them as generating elements of tourist attraction. 

Today, national liberation wars are scarce, after the golden age of decolonization in the 1960s and 1970s. Tamils in Sri Lanka did not achieve independence after many years of war; native nations in the US are subject to tourist visibility, such as museum pieces; Kurds are gaining some autonomy in devastated Syria and Iraq; Palestinians remain confined to real outdoor prisons; the separation between Czechs and Slovaks proceeded peacefully despite their many affinities; Scotland expects better days to separate from formal Windsor tutelage; in Spain, Catalans, Basques and Galicians continue to have their own independence refused in the post-Francoist regime; and South Sudan recently split from Arab-based Sudan after a period of war… for oil sharing.

The decolonization of Africa was in many cases peaceful and, in the case of the Portuguese colonies, the colonial liberation wars ended in the mid-1970s, later of Algeria’s in1965; followed shortly thereafter by the collapse of the regime of the original population exclusion  in Zimbabwe; to which that regime gave a name that honored a racist businessman named Cecil Rhodes. In South Africa, the apartheid regime continued until the 1990s when it was established as a multi-ethnic nation-state with eleven official languages under the leadership of the outstanding figure of Nelson Mandela. At the same time, Namibia became a nation-state free of South African tutelage after a long liberation war. The ensuing conflicts in Africa, apart the massacres in Rwanda or the division into two of an artificial Sudan, had not origin in ethno-cultural issues; just power struggles, plunder (oil, gold, uranium, rare minerals… ) and migrants deals of transport to the Mediterranean, with western involvement, as is observed in the Sahel.

The nation-state in its genesis brought together nations and territories - by integration or absorption - by assigning national labels to each human being; however, this figure only applied in fact in Europe and, in the late eighteenth century in the United States as well, although in China and Japan there were also centralized nation-states, but within autarchic models, unrelated to the dynamics of capitalism.  

In parallel with the most extensive or intensive character of European colonial rule, the presence of his power began to wane in the transition between the eighteenth/nineteenth. After the creation of a slave and genocidal republic by European settlers - USA[1]- the pioneer Haiti - a republic of former slaves - emerged, followed by the independence of South America, where each nation-state was ruled by an immense variety of cultures and ethnicities but under the political and military hegemony of the Creoles, more or less direct descendants of the Spanish and Portuguese colonizers. However, the Monroe doctrine - America for Americans - actually meant US suzerainty on the continent, with the conquest of the last Spanish colonies and the perennial habit of intervening in the "backyard" south of Rio Grande - with invasions, military coups, dictatorships, assassinations, and more recently through sanctions - with the support, tolerance or distraction of European nation-states.

Until World War I, war was the common means of creating or expanding nation-states, in many cases with very unstable borders, especially in Central Europe where the German Confederation and Austria shared the domain of the so-called Holy Empire (which was then a heap of hundreds of small and large landlords); and, in Eastern Europe dominated the empires, Russian and Ottoman, the last, in a usual struggle with the Persian Safavids, for control of Mesopotamia. In the western part of Europe were the maritime powers that controlled the colonial trade, with France in a position of two faces; on one hand, France had its colonial ambitions contained and reduced by the greater English power and, on the other, it was looking for a great European continental empire, centered in Paris, as two Napoleons (the original and the third) had tried to erect. Russia, meanwhile, expelled the Swedes from the eastern bank of the Baltic and became the main beneficiary of the collapse of the Polish-Lithuanian electorate while extending territorially to Alaska… later sold to the US.

Europe stood out through the conquest, dispute, and occupation of colonial territories, as well as inter-imperialist wars or occupation of the weaker. Faced with decaying imperial powers in the late nineteenth century until World War I - Austria-Hungary and Turkey - with the aim of dismantling them, the idea of “each nation its nation-state” was defended, however impracticable that it would be in the Balkan  or the Middle East countries, given the territorial and cultural interpenetration of the peoples of these regions . At the same time, the imperial powers were dividing Africa among themselves, drawing boundaries with no concern in the face of the divisions they created within ethnic groups, peoples and tribes or, in keeping previous political structures, in North Africa or the Sahel. Africans were inferior beings, a concept properly defended by "scientists" involved in targeting of human races in and sterilization of mentally handicapped or for people with less handsome features. In America, after the US conquest of vast Mexican territories, a relative peace reigned in the South, in the Creole states; only the final expulsion of the weakened Spanish colonialists (from Cuba and Puerto Rico) was missing, as well as the English colonies (notably Canada); but the last belonged to the most powerful nation-state of the time.

Ataturk, after the break of the Ottoman Empire, took as far as possible the idea of national uniformity within Turkey; it has exchanged Greek populations in Asia Minor for Turkish inhabitants of Greece and the genocide of Armenian Christians, who could be… adopted by the Tsar of Russia at Turkey's expense. Still, to upset Turkey's “identity,” Kurdish nationalism remains, to this day without recognition for the constitution of a nation-state.

Shortly after the dismantling of the Turkish and Austro-Hungarian empires, Yugoslavia emerged as a mosaic of peoples with various religions and languages (which were close, unlike religions), with diverse communities very mixed and borders very difficult to draw; However, this time the great powers intended to give the whole a rational and viable dimension. To avoid “balkanization” the idea of “each nation, its state” was left behind. Despite this diversity, the Yugoslavs strongly resisted Nazi occupation, despite the support of the Ustachas (basically Croatian Catholics) to the occupier, in a fiercely anti-Serbian posture inherited from Austrian memory.

About eighty years later, again that principle of accentuation and exacerbation of the nationalist spirit returned to Yugoslavia as the product of various interests of entities alien to its people. Germany intended to widen the field of trade expansion by benefiting from the breakup of Comecon; pope Wojtyla wanted to integrate the former Austrian provinces of Catholic tradition (Slovenia and Croatia) in his ultra-reactionary crusade spirit against Belgrade and the Serbs, with traditionally good relations with Russia; and finally, the US (dragging the EU alongside it) again encouraged “balkanization” with the creation of a tripartite Bosnia-Herzegovina, FYROM (now Northern Macedonia), Montenegro and the creation of a territory (Kosovo) promoted to nation-state to receive the big military base Boldsteen where US can oversee the entire Balkan Peninsula, preventing against Russian influence on the Slavic peoples of the region. 

The same principle of “each nation, its state” was not, of course, followed in the decolonization of Africa; so the colonial boundaries were maintained, enclosing, in general,  in each one, many ethnicities and languages that, as a rule, have centuries, sharing in common the same space. For example in the Niger valley cohabit hundreds of ethnic groups and languages. The creation of nation-states by the colonial powers did not end this cohabitation, complemented with some languages of communication between distinct communities; the strangeness was the existence of borders and the presence of indigenous political classes as delegates of the former colonizers - the so-called "black skin, white mask"[2]. The same happened with the Quechua language, spoken by indigenous peoples from Colombia to Argentina, along with the Spanish language introduced by the colonizer.

It would be insane to apply the identity principle to Africa. First, because it would result in a confused and debatable redefinition of spaces and peoples; secondly, the colonial nations sought to maintain their preferential influences and business in the independent territories, as well as the continuation of mining exploitation and plantation regimes. On the other hand, the small westernized elites, heirs of the colonial administration, did not want to open the dossier of the pre-colonial ethnic groups, which would restrict their powers to the cultural and ethnic nuclei from which they came; or lose their role as intermediates face to Western capital in a broad space, supra-tribal. Particularly, it was required to them to provide a stable operation of markets ... and loot. Thus, the only cases of future partitions would come - after long and violent conflicts - with the Ethiopia/Eritrea, Sudan/South Sudan separations and, unrecognized by the 'international community', in the Somalia/Somaliland case. 

The British Indian Empire was initially divided into four nation-states, all far from ethnic, cultural or linguistic oneness. With the notable exceptions of Japan and Korea, the same is true in almost every Asian country. Indonesia is another great mosaic of languages and ethnicities but, the Dutch colonizers never even tried to install the use of their language, accepting the continuity of Malay, traditional language of communication in the region; The Dutch confined the use of its language in the upper circle of colonial administration.

Geopolitics is a game of economic, financial and logistical interests and makes peoples and nation-states as instruments of dispute, whether more intense or destructive, as political classes manage to - or fail to - instill the venom of nationalism and exclusion of the Other, for the benefit of indigenous or globalized capitalism.

Most cultures or languages do not aspire to the constitution of a nation-state, and for various reasons: 

·        Many, they think if dispersed by several nation-states, each of those, is contrary to cede part of its territory to one of its minorities; also, is hard to a nation-state to admit its minority will join a group of people with the same culture but, living in a second nation-state; and, in addition, it would be hard to accept the emerging, of a third nation-state as a product of that agglutination. Indeed, the sharing of Jammu-Kashmir between India and Pakistan reveals that neither of these countries will give up a millimeter of territory, either to the other or to the creation of a new state sovereignty.

·        As a rule, a nation-state has its state structures occupied by ethnicities, unique or strongly majority cultures, with the monopoly of the police, military, judicial apparatus; and it is usually within this dominant culture that local or national economic power also is linked. The minorities only rebel if discriminated, constrained in their life-enhancing desires to a social promotion; or, if under cultural, linguistic, or religious repression, as happen in Northern Ireland Catholic community, but not in the Hungarian Catholic communities in Serbia or Romania (both Orthodox), as in the Turkish minority in Bulgaria.

·        There are also cases where political power is based on minorities. One can quote to the Maronites in Lebanon, used by the French to create a separate political entity from Syria, following the First World War but since, outnumbered by the Shiites; or in present-day Syria whose political power belongs to Alawite minority. In the cases of Maronites or Alawites, there are identities based on religion (present or inherited from ancestors) but in the case of Afro-Americans the identification and segregation are based on the more or less present African origin, the skin color; the same is happening in Brazil. 

The relevance of immigrants, especially in Europe and the US, has grown and is marked by discrimination, exclusion, persecution; their acceptance is more problematic, the more different is the physical or cultural typology of them. Being a South American immigrant in the US has different social and political acceptance conditions towards immigrants from Europe and in Europe, there are obvious differences whether the immigrant is African, Islamic or from Eastern Europe. The discrimination of immigrants is always constructed by a packed narrative of prejudice as being opportunistic, to explore the social security systems, and be thieves, dirty, rapists, terrorists, disturbing the good  and heavenly peace in their place of adoption. Synthetically, it is called to this set of preconception, racism; and, by the way, is interesting to remember racism has its origin in the Iberian Peninsula[3]
 
Jews, for about two millennia - and despite their ethnic and social divisions - lived in well-identified communities without a nation-state, self-segregating themselves to remain a community or, being segregated and persecuted for political reasons, religious or popular envy, or as origin of popular discontent in the nation-states where they lived For centuries they never sought to constitute a nation-state until they took advantage of this fashion, in the late nineteenth century, to launch this project, emigrating a few thousand to Palestine, where for many centuries there was only a small Jewish community in harmony with the Islamic majority. Zionism, the racist doctrine of defending the Israelites as an anointed people, advocated an occupation of Palestine as their ancestral homeland and, with English support, they established themselves in that territory, expelling or segregating its occupying ancestors, victims of brutalities that can be compared with those of the Nazis. It is, therefore, a “scientific”, exclusionary and fascist nationalism, anchored in the support of the US and the political and financial power of Jewish-origin oligarchs. Only money and its resulting influence allow such "national" excrescence. 

Conversely, Gypsies have always been poor, segregated and wandering communities, pushed into ostracism, with a particular presence in the Balkans, where they developed a very interesting musical culture. No financial or political power offered them a territory to build a nation-state.

What is the nation-state? It is a contingency where other contingencies came to an end, with an apparatus called the State, with totalitarian rights of repression and plundering of “its” inhabitants, segmented according to the various performances defined by the State[4]. The State is filled by a hierarchy more or less mafia - the political class, in permanent liaison with the top of the range of capital; national and global. To color and brighten this sinister picture, they joined this nation-state with a hymn and a flag. 

4 - Capitalism magnifies the nation-state in the process of consolidation

Globalization, in its earliest form, began when Lucy's sons left the Rift Valley and set off to uncertain destinations; but losing, temporarily (thousands of years) each other's references[5]. And it was widening its geographical scope, including more and more human communities, mainly through the formation of empires that created the security conditions for the exchanges. Alexander of Macedonia wanted to conquer the world but was thwarted by the forests of India, the heights of Pamir and the fatigue of his troops. Later the Romans turned the Mediterranean into a Mare Nostrum stopping at the edge of the stormy Atlantic, behind the defensive wall against the Picts in the west, the Sahara in the south, the Rhine and the Danube in the north, and the confrontation with the Parthians in the east. Still later, the Muslim empires formed sea and land bridges with India and China, with Marco Polo, Venice and, Genoa linking Asia with the rest of feudal Europe. This distant commerce focused on luxury goods whose high price resulted in part of the total dimension of travel and the risks during it.

If one thinks of globalization in simple geographical terms, it was consummate with the deeds of Colombo, Vasco da Gama and Magalhães, followed by the unveiling of some corners, until the eighteenth century with Cook and, already in the twentieth century, with the explorers of the polar zones. Anchored in five European Atlantic countries - Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, France and, England - globalization has developed war, trade, conquest, slavery, technological developments and a huge exchange of knowledge. From this chaotic, unscheduled evolution resulted in a new way of generating wealth - capitalism - which had as its essential instruments:

·        the nation-state, as an organizational model of people, goods and, capital, anchored in a well-defined space;
·        nationalism as ideology, form to agglutinate a specific and multifaceted population but excluding or suspicious of the outsiders;
·        and finally, the State, as the managing apparatus of wealth creation, keeping the population pacified by law or by repression.

As the world is an open space, the distant trade in luxury goods or spices desired by the wealthy - now most numerous - was highly profitable. Artisan production of goods, destined for a nearby area, typical of medieval times, gave way to production to distant destinations, unknown to their producers and on a scale that would not fit the capacities of medieval artisans, grouped in brotherhoods[6]. 

If there is no link between producer and consumer everything becomes dependent on the trader who defines prices, quantities and, (high) profit margins that allow large accumulation of money and the creation of a banking and financial sector. Traders and owners of a country proceed to a collective defense, as cartel (avant la lettre) face the  external competition, with the royal support for Indies Companies, holding the "national "monopolies" (read, of the richest merchants), extending the administrative functions of the kingdom, with the king to levy duties on imports and to defend national production from foreign competition. The national word became vulgar, precisely with the consolidation of the nation-state, as an attribute of all that is belonging to or an attribute to the nation-state. And each nation-state was like a fortress that, through cannon and commerce, took the world as a market, never losing its individuality. 

This protected space, with an administrative and military apparatus with a king at the top, gains uniformity and cohesion versus the outside, from which threats may arise; the relevance of borders and the call for war for territorial conquests for the capture of lands and people from markets emerges. Kings increase their power with a broader administrative area - treasury, customs, army and navy, police, courts, and administrative and labor control legislation - far beyond what was required in feudal landlords. Great drivers of these transformations were the rich traders of global transactions, with the East Indies, the West Indies, or engaged in the African slave trade, notably from the seventeenth century.

The demarcation of borders, the existence of an administrative and financial structure through an apparatus - State - in a well-defined and well-defended space, materializes the nation-state, a fortress-state. For example, in France, with the ordinances of Villiers-Cotterêts (1539), a national register of births and deaths is made from the registers of religious structures; and along with the usual Latin, the French language was adopted, which would become the only one used, after the French Revolution (although there were many versions of it). On the other hand, these ordinances contained the prohibition of the brotherhoods of arts and crafts, typical structures of the feudal era, taken as surpassed by globalization and consolidation of the implicit logic of the market.

What has come to be called the national bourgeoisie establishes an intimate relationship with the State, personalized in a king or equivalent (Cromwell) as the leader of the nation-state; a cohesive set against the outside or in the repression of disgruntled social strata. The presence of the state apparatus is an essential requisite for increasing the wealth and power of the richer traders who may be called capitalists - they own moving capitals, arm ships, trade and order fabrics, weapons ... especially for sale outside, nearer or farther.

Capitalist production requires a device (State) to its service, a territorial delimitation and cataloging of the population as nationals, keeping out as foreigners, people with any distinction towards people belonging to the nation. It must be noted that China, initially with an administrative organization, technology and greater wealth than Europeans, has never shown interest in developing trade with these "barbarians." And because of their size, China understood do not develop foreign transactions since the fourteenth century, mocking objects Westerners later had, for exchange purposes. The big problem arose in the nineteenth century when the "barbarians" forced China, at the threat of its cannons, to collaborate in enriching foreigners by buying opium.

The Netherlands stands out as heir to a commercial and manufacturing tradition with roots in the Middle Ages and with the freedom of thought it consolidated, after a long war against the claims of Spain; the last, anchored in the typical power of heritage in feudalism sink financially in constant wars in the defense of its very fractioned possessions in Europe and encysts as the guardian of Catholic traditionalism, fighting the humanist ideas[7]. The treaty of Westphalia is followed by a long period of rivalry between France and England until the last assumes clear world leadership with the defeat of Napoleon and the Treaty of Vienna in 1815. After the Franco-Prussian War (1870) England shares global hegemony with Germany and the US, a balance that will break with World War I, when Germany loses all its colonies and the US overcomes England as the main power.  After World War II US strengthened its leadership in the western world and the first configuration of a world system - financial (Bretton Woods, IMF…), commercial (GATT / WTO) and military (NATO); but with the Soviet Union as a rival power, particularly in the military field. The UN appears as a descendant of the defunct League of Nations, as a common denominator among the nation-states, strengthening the role of these as sovereign elements framing the population; however, with a directory of major powers - the USA, France, Great Britain retains, the USSR and China (first as an ally of the West and then under the current form of the People's Republic, positioned alongside the USSR). 

Published:

Nation-state, nationalism, instruments of capitalism (1ª part)
 
To be continued:
Nation-state, nationalism, instruments of capitalism (3/3)


This and other documents, here:
http://grazia-tanta.blogspot.com/                              

http://www.slideshare.net/durgarrai/documents
 


[1] Symbolically, the first US president, George Washington was a wealthy owner of immense numbers of slaves.
[2]  Title of a Franz Fanon’s book
[3]  Racismos – Francisco de Bethencourt
[4] O Homem, ser social e fragmentado (Man, social and fragmented being)
[5]  The 20 million people in Mexico caused by the arrival of the Spanish, measles and, smallpox (in addition to the superiority of the latter), mainly due to Mexicans having no contact with other humans. since the Bering Strait was flooded again after the last ice age.
[6]  Curiously, certain relatively privileged professional categories are once again assumed as true brotherhoods, in spite of the open and free-market logic contained in the neoliberal discourse.
[7] At the most prestigious Iberian university - Salamanca - Augustinians and Trinitarians in the 17th century get involved because some considered Adam imperfect after God had removed a rib (to create his wife) and others understood that the same God has filled the hole with meat (!) 

quarta-feira, 18 de dezembro de 2019

Nation-state, nationalism, instruments of capitalism (1/3)


Capitalism, to consolidate itself, created the nation-state, endowed it with tentacle and repressive state apparatus and a discriminatory ideology when not racist, the nationalism. As a process, capitalism has globalized, without losing the use of its instruments of accumulation and social management; even with the preponderance of the financial system as the main element of capital creation (fictitious), capitalism is the responsible for climate aggression. And there is no solution for the planet and humanity within capitalism and using its usual instruments - nation-state, state, nationalism, political classes.
Summary

1. How capitalism created the nation-state

2 - Nationalism as an instrument of ideological control

3 - To each nation a nation-state?

4. Capitalism magnifies the nation-state in its process of consolidation

5 - The capitalist globalization reconfigures the role of the nation-state

5 .1 - Some segments taken from the domain of nation-states 

6 - The State, local manager of the stratification of the Human beings

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1. How capitalism created the nation-state

The sedentary nature of human beings has created several and chained groups with increasingly complex relationships. Families expanded and intersections with other families emerged in the context of meetings of a wandering life or conflicts leading to the integration of the defeated; This integration corresponded to the implicit appreciation of human capital, where and when the hostility of the environment forced it. On the other hand, closure in the same inbreeding was avoided[1] and the emergence of a great diversity of human beings spread across the planet was favored. 

In Rome, gens were sets of families that saw themselves in an illustrious ancestor or considered important in their lives, as a unifying element and implicit generator of identity; which is comparable to clans in other societies in Northern Europe, Arabia, China, Japan, etc. These lineages later led to the concepts of noble and nobility, as a social class in which affiliation in the same lineage was essential. It is known that the lineage had true meaning only when there was possession of lands, mills and, slaves, levers necessary for the exercise of political power; for those who did not have this property the issue of lineage would be irrelevant, apart from the transmission of fathers or mothers to son(s) of possessions, even including in these small portions of agricultural land or workshops of blacksmiths, carpenters, etc. 

On a broader plane came the tribe, a concept also from the Romans that was also remotely based on inbreeding, sealed by the veneration of the same gods, the lares. The incorporation of other elements, of distinct human groups or individuals, as was practiced by North American natives, has rarely been removed; the variety of peoples, tribes and, languages recorded in antiquity, between the Mediterranean and Mesopotamia, has no comparison with the existing mosaic.

The concept of tribe in Europe ceased to be used as the manorial territories were formed, with a well-marked social division between masters and servants; the servants came to fit in as subjects of the lord (count, duke, king), in a picture of sedentary, of link to the land. The arrival of other tribes moving from north to south or from the Asian steppes such as the Lombards in Italy; or, the arrival of the Goths and Berbers to the Iberian Peninsula, for example, resulted in a total miscegenation. In the Lower Middle Ages, as trade relations became denser and the flight to the cities became widespread, the reference of origin was no longer the connection to a feudal house, to be replaced by the region of provenance, the gentile, as a reference of origin, identification, until the constitution of nation-states, when the main reference became the identification of origin; as today it remains.

This identification of origin was initially a simple reference that translated habits, customs and, a culture, before people of other origins. If Colombo was Genoese (which will not be peaceful), his trip to the Iberian Peninsula did not drag rights or duties towards Genoa. The same was true with Magalhães when he went to Spain after seeing his project rejected by the Portuguese king. At that time, people circulated, traveled, without prior knowledge of their "State" because at the borders no passports were required, leaving or entering; though few people traveled, confining all their lives in a small circle around their agricultural, self-sufficient community.

With the disintegration of the Roman Empire, the usual networks of commerce ceased to be used and the urban population declined, as evidenced, for example, in the abandonment of Conimbriga, with the richest moving to the countryside, to their villae, developing a very localized and self-sustaining economy. Thus, throughout the Middle Ages, an autonomous agrarian economy predominated, with a range of knowledge that went from parents to children, all illiterate (except the priest who gave mass… in Latin), with a low volume of foreign trade.

The references of the population were fixed in the place, with sparse trips to urban centers; a self-centered, closed society, self-sufficient in food (as long as there were no wars or bad harvests) and autonomous in the knowledge of fields and domestic animals. Scholarly knowledge was anchored in the Bible and limited to monasteries and universities, whose teachers were clerics.

The dialectic between peasants and feudal lords was centered on the tribute to be paid to the nobleman to ensure the safety of the people without ruining it; in times of bad harvests, this was a vital matter. Thus the pendulum oscillated between the tolerance of the rural communities and the greed of the lords; and their abuse resulted in large and bloody peasant uprisings such as the remensas revolt in Catalonia in the second half of the fifteenth century, Walt Tyler and John Ball in late fourteenth-century England or, Jacquerie in France, few decades before, following many others, against the abuses of the lords since the tenth century. 

In Germany, the peasants tried to take advantage of the movements resulting from the Lutheran secession to free themselves from the lords, but Luther preferred to help the German nobility in their purpose of abandonment of papal suzerainty. In these struggles, the rebellious were not directed against a distant king whom they were asking for intervention but, against their direct oppressors. 

In the typical agrarian societies of the European Middle Ages, the idea of nation-state was unknown because the solidarity was manifested among social classes - the peasants, among themselves against the masters; and among the latter, the extension of their domains was achieved by war, where it was not possible to obtain them through family crossings. 

At the top of the manorial hierarchy in a given area was a king who often had equal or less relevance than some manor houses, and, on the other hand, the loyalties among the nobility were very volatile[2] as is always the case at all times when there are riches in dispute. 

The apex of the pyramid of power in the setting of Christian Europe was the Pope, "vicar of Christ" to whom everybody would be debtors of obedience and heir to the responsibilities assigned to the Church, although during the fourteenth to the fifteenth century there was an inter-papal competition; with one in Rome, another in Avignon and for a few years a third, in Pisa. For centuries there have been serious disputes over the primacy between clerical and lordly powers – all, dominating vast territories and servants; after the Lutheran and Calvinist schisms in the Protestant states, the king became the head of the local church, thereby adding one more element to the integration of the respective territory in the process of creating a nation-state. Following the French Revolution and the formation of the USA, the principle of religious freedom was stressed. Today, stricter situations of state religion are observed, for example in Saudi Arabia, with the monopoly of Wahabite Islam or, in Iran, Shiite, where there are temples of other cults, and atheism is not punished.

No one would remember, in the late Middle Age, to speak of homeland, nation, and even less of State. Take, for example, the genesis of Portugal.

The first Portuguese king was vassal of his cousin of Castilla and Leon, the Spanish emperor; and, to get rid of this dependency, he held, for decades, negotiations with the Pope over the number of ounces of gold to pay, to have only an obedience facing to Rome. Those who lived in those lands that became Portugal they were vassals of the king, whether they were Christians of obedience to the Pope (the people of the North), Muslims, Mozarabians or Jews (the people of the South), without any sense of nation, or even a common culture; despite this, the present-day nationalists celebrated Portugal's 840 years, counted from the purchase with gold and, the end of the Portuguese king's obedience to his cousin of Castilla and Leon. Only much later, in the 16th century, with the expulsion or forced conversion of Muslims and Jews, the Iberian kings tried cultural homogeneity; which in the case of Spain is still absent, of course, after 500 years.

The Italian republics, especially Genoa and Venice, had an oligarchic power structure with mature diplomacy, suited to their mercantile and financial logic, with territorial possessions circumscribed to the Mediterranean through war or plunder; and with little in common with the austere European kingdoms to which they lent money. Its decline began with the Ottoman expansion and the shifting of the spine of trade from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, initially through Spain and Portugal. Moreover, the Italian republics to compete in the outer space of the Mediterranean would have to use new shipbuilding and armament technologies, trade-support logistical bases and increase the volume of military spending to compete with the Iberian countries already on the routes of East and the Americas.

In the Italian republics, the economic dynamic focused on foreign relations was anchored in a class of merchants and bankers, united by business, with no pretensions to a higher level of integration, especially national. The extensive Hanseatic League that united dozens of Baltic and North Sea cities formed an alliance for trade and transport in that region, minimizing pirate attacks. In these two cases, economic and political planning had nothing in common with feudal territories based on the constitution of peasant rents from warlords; and had nothing in common with the emerging nation-states.

The passage from the Middle Age to the Modern Age is structured under several axes. Existing lenders in the main urban centers financed the monarchs to promote the exploitation or conquest of their colonial territories, granted to small nobles such as Cortez, Pizarro, Almagro or the grantees of Portuguese captaincies in Brazil[3].

The abundance of gold and silver in the American colonies of Spain, as well as the weaknesses of the natives, with their way of life destroyed by the colonizers and increased by the diseases offered by the latter, led to the slave trade until the 19th century, distributed throughout southern of the nowadays US, the Caribbean, the mines and the sugar mills of Brazil, for three centuries.

Gold and silver entered Seville twice a year in large fleets protected by warships; and, as feudal lords, the Iberian kings used gold to pay for war, the hiring of armies with many mercenaries, and the pageantry, with no purpose of economic promotion or logic of income redistribution, as one would say today. They acted as true feudal lords, owners of many lands and ideologically bound to Boullionism, the eagerness to own gold and silver for the creation of money. 

The Spanish cities continued to be unhealthy slums where penniless nobles (who had a squire begging for them) but candidates for incomes and positions with the king, high nobility, and clergy; also ruffians, awaiting contract for the use of the sword in defense of a lord who paid the service; many merchants from various origins to sell their goods; rural without work, given the abandonment of land by the nobles; and many beggars and little thieves waiting for food at the door of the convents. The important thing was to have gold or silver in hands. 

In the sixteenth century, in Spain or Portugal, there was neither nation nor state[4] because the rise of capitalism was still incipient. The power was in monarchs, marked by the spirit of crusade, imbued with a feudal mentality, under which the territory was theirs; and where it did not exist a commercial bourgeoisie similar to that observed in the Italian republics or and Hanseatic cities. Their inability to understand the new economic dynamics was exploited by foreign traders who came to Seville to sell what was not produced in Spain and were paid in gold. In Portugal, where the scenario was similar, the economic ruin was added in 1578 by the king's disastrous military adventure in Morocco, which led to the dynastic union of the two Iberian countries, with the people's indifference to the fact the new king was Spanish.

The Iberian countries did not develop as capitalist powers but remained led by monarchs with an expansionist vision marked by concerns of evangelization in the new territories of the Americas and the East. And in the case of Spain, with an expensive and exhausting involvement in the political and religious wars that marked the Holy Roman-Germanic Empire. Hence, it happen its decline and the ceding of maritime power to Dutch, French and, English.

The Netherlands[5] (Northern Netherlands) had in the 16th and 17th centuries very different characteristics from the Iberian monarchies; it had created a republican regime after the end of a long war against the Spanish rule, which continued to be exercised in the South Netherlands, Belgium. It has done great work in building dikes and canals, modernizing agriculture by introducing crop rotation and increasing livestock breeding; and in manufacturing, the specialization of workers within the industry began to develop, producing larger, faster and more profitable ships to the colonial trade. 

Its republican political regime corresponded to the rule of an active and wealthy bourgeoisie, which favored immigration, especially of artists, philosophers and, scientists; on the other hand, religious tolerance attracted wealthy or cultured Jews, expelled from Spain, from Portugal[6] and Belgium, where the Spanish sought to maintain religious oneness.

The role played in the development of world trade generated major capital movements and gave rise to the Amsterdam Stock Exchange, the Bank of Amsterdam, the emergence of joint-stock companies that came to originate the East and West Indies Companies, to which the state gave the monopoly of colonial products, increasing the profit margins of their holders. Almost at the same time, English competitors created the Bank of England, and the Bill of Rights that limited royal powers, while the property rights emerged.

Amsterdam has replaced Lisbon and Seville as the center of global trade. The Netherlands took advantage of and consolidated the shift of European trade from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, becoming the hub of developed sea and land links with the whole of northern or southern Europe, replacing, for example, the decaying Italian republics in trade with Morocco.

Colonial trade was complemented by transactions on the European scene in food and raw materials. Religious eclecticism allowed the monopoly of trade with Japan, after the Portuguese were expelled from there, always interested in trade but, linked to evangelization, naturally taken as offensive to educated Japanese.

This network of interests between traders, transporters and, bankers, operating on a worldwide basis, enjoys the absence of a despotic and imposing central power as well as religious freedom, were elements that greatly enlarged the commercial and financial capitalism designed in the Italian republics, in the essentially Mediterranean context. This network also aggregated the various dependent social strata, interested in the current prosperity and continuity. The density of social and economic relations, especially in a small territorial space, unified its inhabitants in a common culture and interested in a State with a role to give a cover to private enterprise. As there was competition from other regions - England, France, Spain, Portugal, and Scandinavian countries - it was convenient to erect a border delimitation, the existence of an army and, above all, a powerful war navy - under the responsibility of a state apparatus, financially anchored in customs duties, taxes, tithes. 

This evolving global project that involved the Dutch, more so as a culturally and linguistically homogeneous people (a nation) and averse to the domination of a foreign monarchy (Spain), is called capitalism. To secure internally social peace and defend itself from competition, this political project created a national label[7] (Netherlands) that would unify the population around certain economic and political designs in the global scene and, in particular, the European framework - this project was materialized in a nation-state. At the same time and as European economic development was proceeding, in a global framework of competition and war, it was essential for the capitalists of the various countries, the creation of nation-states, with a territory and a population, of their own, mobilized for work and war.

2 - Nationalism as an instrument of ideological control

Each nation-state circumscribed itself by a border - sealed space that separated it from other competing nation-states as to the possession of territories and their wealth; and which today comprises other structures and distinct frameworks. Among these riches stood out relevant population groups, which were required in each nation-state to crack down and antagonize what would be necessary and convenient to face identical groups at the border as potential threats. As it is "my capitalists" that give me work and "my state apparatus" that gives me security against external aggressions "I accept a narrative that unites us all" - nationalism; and against neighbors and intruders who want to impoverish or violate "my homeland".

Local capitalists, with whom a new aristocracy was being integrated (not only sword experts like their feudal ancestors but literate ones, too) needed to have the mass of the population against a potential or effective enemy. Nationalism is an ingrained sense of belonging that transforms any poor thing living in a nation-state into a declared enemy of another poor thing, for the sole reason that the latter was born the other side of the border, each in defense of the interests of "his" capitalists against the capitalists of the other, which can be considered as a form of ideological and material capture - a new bondage - of labor by capital.

In fact, in objective terms, a shipyard worker, a producer of armor, weapons, wheat, or a sailor would soon change his social and economic position if, in the course of a war, they were included in another  nation-state, after a territorial loss of the defeated nation-state. The immense changes in the political borders of Europe since the 16th century have rarely been matched by massive population movements. We cite two exceptions; the exchanges between Greeks and Turks on the banks of the Aegean a hundred years ago and the rearrangement of the Germanic population following the rewording of the borders in eastern Europe after World War II in a framework of great anti-German animosity.  Conversely, African nations essentially maintained colonial boundaries without major migrations, because labor, whether forced or not, was on plantations or subsistence agriculture, in a context of traditional ethnic integration, where colonial authority was distanced and its economic power is very concentrated in commodities.

For people, in general, power and political classes are strange and distant things that are accepted, better or worse, for many, many reasons, namely because they hold the coercive power of the state in their hands, regardless of the color of the flag... The EU's blue flag started to be side by side with the national flags in public buildings without any problem; except in Britain where this has not been replicated since long before Brexit was spoken.

It is not the changes in border boundaries that most lead to migration. Wars, ethnic and religious persecution and, above all, the search for a better life, are the motors of migration, even in a world built by capitalism, by nature a creator of enormous destruction and convenient (for itself) inequalities. Human beings seek to settle where they can live in peace, without lack of food, work, housing, education or health care; and, for this, they disconnect from their places of origin, fit into different cultures from their own, bring about various discriminations and eventually integrate themselves, incorporating even the current nationalism and even the repulsion towards those who have just made it, going through the same emigrant course.

The original national bonds are lost within two or three generations as their insertion into the new society, their adaptation to a new culture. For example, in World War II, many thousands of soldiers, with recent ancestry in Germany, Italy or Japan, fought against countries of this close origin without embarrassment[8].

This material basis for the creation of nationalism is profoundly opposed to the childish, false, metaphysical, and reactionary narratives constructed by the political classes, which justify the nation-state as the simple organization of a nation, pure, different, with its invariably glorious past, with their mythical heroes and spectacular deeds, with the occasional support of the gods ... Nationalism is a cultural and psychological deviation that proves to be the fuel of war, persecution, rape, looting, destruction, expulsion, massacres, barbarity, discrimination … 

The nation-state is a mixture of common interests, with one or more peoples present in its territory; with a more or less intense mystique invented to shape nationalism, to exorcise the differentiation from the Other, usually based on fantasist or childish elements used to mark this difference. Since the nation-state is a political construction of capitalism, nationalism is an ideological instrument of the latter whose use is performed by the institutions of the nation-state; and it serves to establish separation, difference, and antagonism among the inhabitants of a nation-state against those of other nation-states in the context of global and widespread competition. It is, therefore, an element of consolidation of the nation-state, favoring the rule of its capitalists and the administration, carried out by its political class, on the basis of differentiation, discrimination, racism; although it does not seek homogeneity, since the existence of various cultures may be useful to maintain some tension and division inside the homeland, to generate discriminated populations, since capital accumulation requires divergences, social,  racial or religious hierarchies,  to create struggle, dynamism. At the top will be a government to manage divergences and conflicts between the various capitalist interests, which will be able to compensate their representatives.

Nationalism is a weapon ready to be thrown, instilled into the plebs, by the possessing strata against other nation-states and their peoples. Regarding specific cultural groups inside a nation-state, there are cases where these groups want to create their nation-state, such as Kurds, Catalans, Basques… or fascists like Lega who had called for an independent Padania before becoming a national party; others, where these groups or cultures live within the nation-state where they are a minority but without independentist pretensions (Berbers or Copts, for example); and still cases in which these cultures are expelled and persecuted as outcasts, undesirable (Palestinian, Gypsy, Rohingyas…). Thus, some can live peacefully with their own cultures; and others are pointed out as threats to the unity and good living of the motherland, which, if appropriate, will not retreat from genocide, persecution or promote columns of fleeing refugees. 

Nationalism does not require cultural homogeneity and accepts heterogeneity as long as it does not constitute a threat, damage to the march of business or the unity of the motherland. The construction of the nation-state generated the predominance of the spoken language in the area where the power was centered and the vulgarization of this language  in administrative documents, through writing; later, with school networks and compulsory education, power led to widespread adoption of the language (s) it uses, with the regression or extinction of regional or local languages. The press and later, radio and television, came to accentuate the predominance of the language spoken by political power. And finally, US supremacy in politics, business, and the internet has made English the great language of global communication.

In Italy, everyone speaks Italian (Tuscany language) but there are millions of people who use their traditional, regional languages; the same is true in France but to a lesser extent (Basque, Breton, Occitan, Corsican, Catalan…). More lurid was, in Spain, the ban of the Catalan, Euzkera, or Galician languages by the fascist Franco regime for forty years; and whose effect was just the opposite, when freedom of speech was reestablished, with the natural uneasiness of the parties inheriting Francoism.

Due to its irrationality, nationalism tends to impose itself over other ideologies or cultures when it is based on fear of a threat taken and held as latent, though often only imaginary; it also serves to unite a people with a production of isolation or through the punishment of internal "traitors".

Nationalism articulates with the dominant religion in the production of persecutory and excluding acts, as in Francoist Spain. Similar nationalist repression took place in Salazar's Portugal, the creator of a "multicontinental nation" to legitimize the possession of colonies. And in Protestant monarchies, the king, as head of the national church, represents national unity.

Nationalism can be an excellent means of elevating to undisputed leadership, a dictator, a demagogue, a ruthless gang leader, as a leader of the nation, who will be indebted to such political capacity, so much love for the country; he will be showed commonly in statues and his name appears on many avenues throughout the country. 

In short, the nation-state is not the logical and unquestionable result of the existence of a people, a culture, the sharing of a common language. The nineteenths idea of "each nation its nation-state" was a concept with specific and opportunistic purposes, in a historical context, later used according to political convenience and never desired or applied by the vast majority of specific peoples and cultures. 

The nation-state, after establishing itself with political power (state), integrating capital groups and hierarchies, installs unifying symbols for the veneration of the people - the anthem and the flag[9] in particular; and in modern times also with the national football team, taken as a squad mission is to defeat the enemy. 

Through school in general, particularly at the youngest age brackets, nationalism is instilled through the heroes and achievements of the past which, as a rule, are greater than those of close competitors. This indoctrination serves to create a collective spirit and distrust facing other countries and peoples around, in the neighborhood. It is an inducer of distrust, disqualification and exclusion of an abstract Other and that should make each person a patriot, objective defender of the interests of the homeland or rather of "its" capitalists; by the verb and the shotgun.

Another historical element in the induction of nationalism is the compulsory military service (CMS) to which all young men were called[10] to receive the due capacities for the defense of the homeland at any time, without limit to sacrifice, which may represent a glorious end wrapped in the homeland flag[11]… even though in his homeland they may have no more than free streets to walk. Presence in the CMS also means a training of obedience to a strict hierarchy, in the context of integral subordination, if not in the humiliation of subordinates; an induced obedience in young people that would lead them to accept the hierarchy at work, to obey the employer, the State, the police authority; and, in the case of women, also subordination to men - at home, at work, on pay, on rights…

Today, for technical reasons, CMS has been abandoned[12] and the military[13] became a praetorian guard, unconnected with the population, which for many is taken as a band of undisciplined civilians. Today's military is a volunteer, long-term contractor, skilled in the handling of sophisticated equipment, people looking for decent pay (hard to find as civilians) and a certain respect on the part of the plebs. At the lowest levels, they are ignorant people, easily indoctrinated and easy to use violence[14].
 
Thus it turned back to the early days of capitalism, to the sixteenth century, when the European armies were made up of mercenaries. Today, in the United States, the recruitment of young people, especially the poor, is achieved by having a university entrance, something which is only accessible to families with possessions or, at the expense of brutal levels of personal indebtedness. In this way, the United States, by creating a mercenary troop, avoids the contestation of youth forced in the past to go to the clumsy and unpopular war of Vietnam; A mercenary is paid to take all risks, and if something goes wrong with his health… it is a professional risk.

To be continued:

Nation-state, nationalism, instruments of capitalism (2/3)
Nation-state, nationalism, instruments of capitalism (3/3)

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[1] It does not worried for centuries European royal families, producing commonly, physically or mentally weak 
[2] It should be remembered, by the way, that most of the Portuguese nobility, under the dynastic crisis of 1383/85 supported the power delivery to the king of Castilla; this was not the case of non-eldest sons or bastards who saw the conflict as an opportunity to seize the lands of the noble supporters of Castilla.
[3] These grantees had a hereditary right over the territory and, on the other hand, must give the king 20% ​​of the gold or precious stones found; or 10% if they were farm producers.
[4]  Only in the late fifteenth century, with King John II, was generated a national administrative apparatus, a state outline… with the arrival in India on a very near horizon. 
[5] Since this paper is not intended to summarize the history of the emergence of capitalism and the rivalries between the first capitalist countries, we are particularly concerned with the case of the Netherlands, not proceeding with the same process in England or France, unless it is particularly useful in framing this essay on the rise and fall of the nation-state
[6] Spinoza had very close Iberian ancestors. The same happened with David Ricardo, whose father was a Dutch Jew, with a more remote Portuguese ancestry.
[7] A trade mark, as one would say today, in neoliberal language
[8] Conversely, Guinean soldiers of Guinea-Bissau, who fought the Portuguese colonial army and who were unable to leave the country, were punished for this their choice; option taken often to avoid hunger and not for the sake of the colonizer
[9] When it is not a name invented based on, for example, the name of the capital (Algeria, Tunisia, Kuwait, Djibouti); something as artificial as Central African Republic (formerly Ubangui-Chari); or Pakistan that looks like a soup of letters.
[10] However, women also joined the armed forces in a spirit of gender equality; as if the equality between the two genders, in a context of strongly authoritarian and even ambiguous structures can constitute the elevation of someone.
[11] O capitalismo predatório e a estupidez patriótica (1)
Patriotic stupidity and globalization (2)
https://grazia-tanta.blogspot.com/2019/10/patriotic-stupidity-and-globalization-2.html
[12] Nationalism, which is very present in right-wing and " left " political groups, gives rise to the idea of ​​the importance of an CMS, perhaps because they intend to replicate the pre-revolutionary situation lived in Russia in 1917 with its "workers soldiers and sailors committees". If being leftist necessarily means being anti-militarist, refusing hierarchies and classifications of human beings on the grounds of "nationality", it is evident that there is no visible Left in Europe.
[14]  Many later move to police or security companies for intervention, especially where physical violence is "acceptable" such as nightclubs